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Pierre and O. London : Zed Books. Mair , , Anthropology and Development. London : Macmillan. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Schumacher, , Small is Beautiful. London : Blond and Briggs. Reference books. Croll , and D. Parkin , eds. Bush base, forest farm: culture, environment and development. Crewe and Harrison , Ed. Whose Development? London: Zed 3. Escobar, Encountering development: the making and unmaking of the Third World.

Princeton: Princeton University Press. Grillo , and R. Stirrat , eds. Discourses of development: anthropological perspectives. Oxford: Berg. Schech , Susan; Haggis, Jane, , Culture, and development: a critical introduction. Oxford : Blackwell.

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Warren, L. Michael, J. Slikkerveer , and D. Brokensha , eds. London : Intermediate Technology. Sen , , Development as Freedom. Texts :. Shiva, Staying Alive. Banuri and M. Porter and E. Development: intellectual, imaginative and practical aspects; Genealogy of development thinking: from colonial economics to development studies; Discourses of development: education, modernisation , capitalism, Eurocentrism , technological imperative, globalisation , dependency theory; Development criticism: feminism, pacifism, environmentalism, agrarianism; Postmodern critical theory of development: new populism, anti- developmentalism , ecofeminism ; Cultural studies and post-development paradigms: cultural politics, cultural analyses, deconstructing ideologies of development.

Munck and D. Books, Cowen and R. Shenton , Doctrines of Development , Routledge , Illich , Deschooling Society , Harper and Row, Labour , Zed Books, Marchand and J. Transnationalism , migration and globalization; colonialism and the history of world connections; cultural imperialism; nationalism and identity: a post-colonial understanding; commodification of local cultures; ethnography of selected transnational and migratory communities in India.

Benedict, Imagined Communities revised ed. London and New York : Verso. Cultural Intimacy: Social Poetics in the Nation-stat e. Routledge , New York :, Portes , L. Guarnizo and P. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, Giles, and H. Moussa , eds. Dudas , Ontario , Canada : Artemis Publishers. HS- Agriculture and Rural Development Significance of rural development; agrarian question; peasants, capitalism and paths of transformation; agriculture and rural development; Issues in agricultural development- new agricultural technology, tenancy, agricultural marketing; green revolution and appropriate technology; land reforms; agrarian systems and the state; agriculture and rural credit markets-micro-credit; WTO and agriculture; integrated rural development and government programmes ; decentralization and participatory rural development,.

Morner , and T. Svensson , P Todaro , and S. Meir, and Rauch, E. HS Development Finance Capital accumulation and investment requirement for development; Sources of capital formation:. Chand and Co. Ltd, Ghatak , Introduction to Development Economics , 4 th Ed. Ideas and challenges that face the New India: Economic and social liberalizations ; Impact on. Indian private and public lives; Indian traditions and the western imagination; Contemporary India.

Arcade, HS Sociology of Gender Sociology of gender; Social construction of gender: socialisation , stereotypes and inequalities;. Press, J, Lorber ed. Agnihotri and V. HS Science, Technology and Society Science—technology relationship: hierarchical, symbiotic and coalescing; Social context of. Texts and References:. MacKenzie and J. Wajcman eds. Open University, Stehr and V. Meja eds. Knowledge and Science , Revised 2 nd Ed. Hackett, O. Amsterdamska , M. Lynch and J. McGrew, M. Alspector -Kelly and F. Allhoff eds. Blackwell, Habib and D. Raina eds. Overview of rural labour market in India: size and key features, agricultural and non-agricultural.

Labour -credit interlinkages : labour services and unfreedom in agriculture, bonded labour , attached. Lanjouw and N. Survey Organization, Quinquennial rounds, HS Globalization and Sustainable Development Globalization and sustainable development: terms, concepts and challenges, inter-generational and. Speth ed. Markandya and K. Halsnaes eds. Routledge , London, Development at Harvard University, HS Development and Human Rights 3 Human rights, development, linkages between human rights and development; Perspectives: right to.

Hickey and D. Mitlin eds. Human development in theory: Amartya Sen - capability approach, John Rawls - critique of. Human development in practice: Multi-dimensional poverty measures, country case studies; Hunger,. Fukuda-Parr and A. Shivakumar eds. Dreze and A. Sen eds. Haq and R. Ponzio eds. HS Peace and Conflict Resolution Concepts: peace, insurgency, war, armed conflict, ethnic violence; Conflict management and conflict. JP Mission, the civil society initiatives, the formal initiative of the Government of India, inter-ethnic.

Dutta and R. The supposed "objectivity" of the researcher and knowledge. Scientific knowledge-seeking is supposed to be value-neutral, objective, dispassionate, disinterested, and so forth. It is supposed to be protected from political interests, goals, and desires such as feminist ones by the norms of science.

In particular, science's "method" is supposed to protect the results of research from the social values of the researchers. When researchers use this traditional approach to theorizing, however, their biases can affect the process at every stage:. In the identification of the problem;. In the formulation of hypotheses and calculated guesses;. In the design of the research to test hypotheses; and.

In the collection and interpretation of data. Nonetheless, theories based on this approach have been a major force in shaping perceptions of reality. An investigation of women's work conducted by researchers with a feminist perspective would, in all likelihood, rely on a variety of assumptions related to their own experiences, as well as to the experiences of women in other situations.

Such assumptions would differ according to factors such as race, class, ethnicity, and age.

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An investigation such as this would therefore be more likely to give the following results:. Some women do unpaid work in the home;. Some women do both unpaid work in the home and waged and unpaid work in wider society;. Some women work only in wider society and employ other women to work in their homes;.

Women are found in a variety of occupations;. Women work at all levels in the workplace; and. Women, both in their paid and in their unpaid work, contribute greatly to the national economy. Based on this wider view, the general principle would be that women's work is not restricted to the home. Female perspectives and experiences would help to challenge the hypothesis generated from the male perspective that women's work is in the home and show it to be invalid.

Theorizing is therefore an important, flexible, and dynamic process. We each have assumptions about people, events, issues, etc. We may explicitly state these assumptions or allow them to remain implicit in our opinions, attitudes, and behaviours. We each interpret things differently as we bring our assumptions to bear on a situation. We test some of these assumptions formally and others informally. Informal testing of our assumptions is, in fact, a process of hypothesis testing, and the results often cause us to change our assumptions.

Sandra Harding's views, reprinted in Box 1 , are particularly interesting. Though feminist empiricism appears in these ways to be consistent with empiricist tendencies, further consideration reveals that the feminist component deeply undercuts the assumptions of traditional empiricism in three ways: feminist empiricism has a radical future. In the first place, feminist empiricism argues that the "context of discovery" is just as important as the "context of justification" for eliminating social biases that contribute to partial and distorted explanations and understandings.

Traditional empiricism insists that the social identity of the observer is irrelevant to the "goodness" of the results of research. It is not supposed to make a difference to the explanatory power, objectivity, and so on of the research's results if the researcher or the community of scientists are white or black, Chinese or British, rich or poor in social origin.

But feminist empiricism argues that women or feminists, male and female as a group are more likely than men non-feminists as a group to produce claims unbiased by androcentrism , and in that sense objective results of inquiry. It argues that the authors of the favored social theories are not anonymous at all: they are clearly men, and usually men of the dominant classes, races, and cultures.

The people who identify and define scientific problems leave their social fingerprints on the problems and their favored solutions to them. Second, feminist empiricism makes the related claim that scientific method is not effective at eliminating social biases that are as widespread as androcentrism. This is especially the case when androcentrism arrives in the inquiry process through the identification and definition of research problems.

Traditional empiricism holds that scientific method will eliminate any social biases as a hypothesis generated by what men find problematic in the world around them. The problem here is not only that the hypotheses which would most deeply challenge androcentric beliefs are missing from those alternatives sexists consider when testing their favored hypotheses. It is also that traditional empiricism does not direct researchers to locate themselves in the same critical plane as their subject matter.

Consequently, when non-feminist researchers gather evidence for or against hypotheses, "scientific method," bereft of such a directive, is impotent to locate and eradicate the androcentrism that shapes the research process. Finally feminist empiricists often exhort social scientists to follow the existing research norms more rigorously. On the other hand, they also can be understood to be arguing that it is precisely following these norms that contributes to androcentric research results.

The norms themselves have been constructed primarily to produce answers to the kinds of questions men ask about nature and social life and to prevent scrutiny of the way beliefs which are nearly or completely culture-wide in fact cannot be eliminated from the results of research by these norms. A reliable picture of women's worlds and of social relations between the sexes often required alternative approaches to inquiry that challenge traditional research habits and raise profound questions which are no longer marginalized as deviant. What assumptions do you think are held by various groups across cultures about the following issues?

Identify and state assumptions that women could propose to challenge the assumptions you listed in answer 1. What are the essential differences between the assumptions in answers 1 and 2? The differences identified in this activity can reveal the ways the perspectives of men and women differ, and these differences also relate to the problems experienced by men and women. As Harding noted,. Many phenomena which appear problematic from the perspective of men's characteristic experiences do not appear problematic at all from the perspective of women's experiences — On the other hand, women experience many phenomena which they think do need explanation.

Why do men find child care and housework so distasteful? Why do women's life opportunities tend to be constricted exactly at the moments traditional history marks as the most progressive? Why is it hard to detect black women's ideals of womanhood in studies of black families? Why is men's sexuality so "driven," so defined in terms of power? Why is risking death said to represent the distinctively human act but giving birth regarded as merely natural?

If we concede that men and women often view issues differently and have different experiences, it follows that we must consider a phenomenon in relation to the individuals who experience it.


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Harding therefore further suggested that. Reflecting on how social phenomena get defined as problems in need of explanation in the first place quickly reveals that there is no such thing as a problem without a person or group of those who have this problem: a problem is always a problem for someone or other. Recognition of this fact and its implications for the structure of the scientific enterprise quickly brings feminist approaches to enquiring into conflict with traditional understandings in many ways.

Feminists have challenged the view of women that has developed from male theorizing. Hilary Rose explained the nature of the challenge:. Increasingly, the new scholarship drew on the concept of gender to illuminate a double process of a gendered science produced by a gendered knowledge production system. Was the seemingly taken for granted androcentricity, even misogyny, of science, a matter of "bias" which good unbiased science turned out by feminists and their allies would correct, or was the problem more profound, one that only an explicitly feminist science could displace, so as to become, in the language of the enlightenment, a "successor science"?

Once we undertake to use women's experience as a resource to generate scientific problems, hypotheses and evidence, to design research for women, and to place the researcher in the same critical plane as the research subject, traditional epistemological assumptions can no longer be made. These agendas have led feminist social scientists to ask questions about who can be a knower only men? The aim of feminist theorizing is to deconstruct and redefine concepts previously defined from a male perspective and generally accepted as factual.

The deconstruction and redefinition of concepts, as well as the creation of new ones, have emphasized the following:. Problems that, when solved, will benefit both researcher and subject;. Interaction between researcher and subject;. Establishment of nonhierarchical relationships;.

Expression of feelings and concern for values; and. The result is the generation of theories from a view of the world through feminist lenses. The aim has been to change conditions adversely affecting women's lives by critically analyzing existing theories and developing new policies and social action.

Hilary Rose elaborated on this in her address entitled "Alternative Knowledge Systems in Science," an excerpt of which is set out in Box 2. The problem for feminist materialists is to admit biology — that is, a constrained essentialism — while giving priority to the social, without concluding at the same time that human beings are infinitely malleable Largely ignored by the oppressors and their systems of knowledge, feminists at this point necessarily theorised from practice and referenced theory to practice The first is feminist stand-point theory which looks to the possibility of a feminist knowledge to produce better and truer pictures of reality; the second is feminist post-modernism which refuses the possibility of any universalising discourse but which argues instead for localised reliable feminist knowledges.

The pervasiveness of gendered thinking that uncritically assumes a necessary bond between being a woman and occupying certain social roles;. The ways women negotiate the world; and. The wisdom inherent in such negotiation. The social roles and the ways women negotiate the world also differ among women in diverse contexts cultural, social, political, racial or ethnic, religious, etc.

Notice that it is "women's experiences" in the plural which provide the new resources for research. This formulation stresses several ways in which the best feminist analyses differ from traditional ones. For one thing, once we realized that there is no universal man, but only culturally different men and women, then "Man's eternal companion 'woman'" also disappeared. That is, women come only in different classes, races, and cultures: there is no "woman" and no "woman's experience. But so too, are class, race, and culture always categories within gender, since women's and men's experiences, desires, and interests differ according to class, race, and culture.

This leads some theorists to propose that we should talk about our "feminisms" only in the plural, since there is no one set of feminist principles or understandings beyond the very, very general ones to which feminists in every race, class, and culture will assent. Why should we have expected it to be any different?

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There are very few principles or understandings to which sexists in every race, class, and culture will assent! Not only do our gender experiences vary across the cultural categories; they also are often in conflict in any one individual's experience. My experiences as a mother and a professor are often contradictory. Women scientists often talk about the contradictions in identity between what they experience as women and scientists. Dorothy Smith writes of the "fault line" between women sociologists' experience as sociologists and as women.

The hyphenated state of many self-chosen labels of identity — black feminist, socialist feminist, Asian-American feminist, lesbian feminist — reflects this challenge to the "identity politics" which has grounded Western thought and public life. These fragmented identities are a rich source of feminist insight. In examining problems and carrying out analyses, feminists recognize that factors other than gender shape perceptions and understandings. Class, race, and culture are also powerful determinants and therefore create differences that must be taken into account.

The category "women" is pluralistic, so treating women as a homogenous group results in a theorizing process no better than that of the traditional, androcentric approach. To further accommodate these differences, feminist inquiry highlights the importance of placing the inquirer on the same "critical plane" as the subject of inquiry, with the aim of ensuring less bias and distortion. Researchers can then no longer hide behind the language of "objectivity"; they must situate themselves in their research. The excerpt from the work of Sandra Harding in Box 4 elaborates on this point. This does not mean that the first half of a research report should engage in soul searching though a little soul searching by researchers now and then can't be all bad!

Thus, the researcher appears to us not as an invisible, anonymous voice of authority, but as a real, historical individual with concrete, specific desires and interests. This requirement is no idle attempt to "do good" by the standards of imagined critics in classes, races, cultures or of a gender other than that of the researcher. Instead, it is a response to the recognition that the cultural beliefs and behaviours of feminist researchers shape the results of their analysis no less than do those of sexist and androcentric researchers.

We need to avoid the "objectivis" stance that attempts to make the researcher's cultural beliefs and practices invisible while simultaneously skewering the research objects, beliefs and practices to the display board. Only in this way can we hope to produce understandings and explanations which are free or, at least, more free of distortion from the unexamined beliefs and behaviors of social scientists themselves. Another way to put this point is that the beliefs and behaviors of the researcher are part of the empirical evidence for or against the claims advanced in the results of research.

This evidence too must be open to critical scrutiny no less than what is traditionally defined as relevant evidence. Introducing this "subjective" element into the analysis in fact increases the objectivity of the research and decreases the "objectivism" which hides this kind of evidence from the public. This kind of relationship between the researcher and the object of research is usually discussed under the heading of the "reflexivity of social science.

Feminists have proposed various theories to explain their experiences on the basis of differences in their class, race, and culture. Substantial discourse among feminists has focused on these various theories. The variety of approaches within feminist theory reflect, on the one hand, divergent perceptions, and on the other, different social and historical locations in which feminists exist. Basic concepts which are abstract and function as tools of analysis e.

Intermediate level concepts such as patriarchy, mode of production, etc. Historically specific analysis of a concrete social phenomenon e. Chhachhi had argued that at the first level of basic conceptual analysis that of basic concepts , little disagreement occurs between black and white feminists who share similar approaches. However, she noted that black-Third World feminists have encouraged an important sensitivity to the need for historically specific research at levels 2 and 3 those of intermediate-level concepts and historically specific analyses. As Baksh-Soodeen remarked,.

Let us examine how women from different social contexts might have divergent perceptions and explanations of the same phenomenon. In this activity, we consider the phenomenon of poverty — Why are people poor? State the assumptions you think the following women would have about this question:. Based on the assumptions you have identified, what explanation would each women likely give for poverty? How do you account for these commonalities or differences? The differences in the explanations you identify are due to the fact that each of the individuals considered in the above exercise occupies a unique position, role, and status in society.

These positions are usually unequal. Some women exercise greater authority and power than others. As a result, their assumptions and interpretations are more valued than those of others with less authority and power. In your opinion, which of these four categories of women would have the most, the least power? Give reasons for your choice. Hilary Rose's comments in Box 5 illustrate how theoretical positions can also be used to exert power and influence over the lives of women. The recrudescence of biological determinism during the seventies was committed to the renaturalisation of women; to an insistence that, if not anatomy then evolution, X chromosomes, or hormones were destiny; and to the inevitability of patriarchy.

Such views fed upon the work of IQ advocates, whose views had become an important location for social and political struggle around issues of race and class. Within the U. Despite resistance by the Welfare Rights Movement, scientific racism helped justify cutting welfare benefits of poor — primarily black — women and their children, thus enabling more resources to be committed to the Vietnam War.

In Britain, IQ theory was extensively cited by the racist campaign for immigrant restriction and fed racist sentiment that genetic inferiority explained high levels of unemployment and thence excessive demands on the welfare system by black people. The critical counter attack mounted by anti-racists helped prevent the new scientific racism spreading unchallenged. In the prevailing political climate, the relationship between biological determinists — especially in the guise of the new sociobiology — and the New Right was a love match.

In Britain, a New Right government happily seized on biological determinism as a scientific prop to their plan to restore women to their natural place, which at that point was not in the labour market. By the mid-eighties the view changed and part-time women's work became the ideal solution to achieve unpaid labour at home and cheap labour in employment. From then on we heard little about women's natural market place.

No one put the government's view in the early s more succinctly than the Secretary of State for Social Service, Patrick Jenkins, in a television interview on working mothers: "Quite frankly, I don't think mothers have the same right to work as fathers. If the Lord had intended us to have equal rights, he wouldn't have created men and women. These are biological facts, young children do depend on their mothers. While it was perhaps overkill to draw on both creationism and biology to make his point, in the political rhetoric of government ministers and other New Right ideologues, the old enthusiasm for biological determinism was given fresh vigour by the fashionable new sociobiology.

This at the height of the struggle of the feminist movement to bring women out of nature into culture, a host of greater or lesser socio-biologists, their media supporters and new Right politicians joined eagerly in the cultural and political effort to return them whence they came.

Read the case study of women's work in the Philippines that follows Case Study 1 and then answer these questions:. What factual information about women's work in the Philippines can you extract from this case study? What principles about women's work in the Philippines emerge from these facts? Do these principles coincide with those obtaining in your own society? Have the facts in the case study caused you to change your assumptions about women's work?

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Based on the data and your own experience, what explanation or theory would you develop of women's work? In the mids, Gelia Castillo noted that about 60 percent of the women in the rural areas of the Philippines were engaged in agriculture or related activities, such as fishing, an increase from the figure of In roughly two decades from to , the proportion of all Filipinos in agricultural and related activities decreased from about 59 to 55 percent, and the proportion of all women and girls over ten years old decreased slightly more from It is also possible that farm women were counted differently in the s, if, as may people contend, agricultural women are generally underenumerated, the s figures could reflect greater accuracy Castillo did not address this issue in her study.

Of these agricultural women, the vast majority are crop workers in rice and com farming, and the burden of the women's work is in non-mechanized tasks such as weeding and transplanting. These are activities that can be done in a relatively short span of time, so they are compatible with the major household duties for which the women are also responsible. The kind of work Filipinas do helps to explain why there are substantial seasonal variations in the agricultural employment of women.

Castillo notes, for instance, that the. A detailed study of time allocation in rural households in Laguna, a province of the Philippines, showed that mothers were less involved in agricultural activities than either fathers or children. On the average, the women in the sample spent slightly over one hour a day on pre-and post-harvest activities, vegetable production, livestock raising, and the like — men and children spent well over three hours a day on these same activities — but the 5 percent of the women in the sample who reported that their primary occupation was farming averaged about three and one-third hours a day on farming alone.

Overall, farming and non-farming women in this rural area spent an additional seven and one-half hours on household work or home production. As in most countries, rural women are among the most economically disadvantaged people in Filipino society. There are more unpaid family workers among women than among men, and almost 90 percent of all male unpaid workers in were in the rural areas and engaged in agricultural work. Despite this general condition, however, both rural and urban Filipinas are viewed by a number of scholars as having considerable status and power compared to women in other Asian countries, and Filipina influence extends to important decision-making roles in agricultural matters.

Justin Green, for example, noted that women are better educated than men, and he has also argued that women have a good deal of behind-the-scenes or privately exercised power. People who think that the traditional method of reckoning kinship and the prevalence of bride price or dowry are indicators of male-female status might note that historically, Filipinos have traced kinship through both parents and bride price has been common whereas dowry prevails in India. For rural Filipino women, a practical consequence of this relative equity is that the sexual division of labor is not as rigid as in many societies.

Women can handle a plow if necessary, and a husband will do the cooking if his wife is away or do the laundry if his wife has just delivered a child. The theorizing process both uses and produces knowledge. Androcentric theories generate knowledge that embodies the assumptions of these theories and ignores the experiences and perspectives of women. One of the tenets of feminist theorizing is that knowledge should be formulated from a broader base of experience. Thus, a new, more comprehensive, more all-encompassing knowledge is built up through feminist theorizing. Such theorizing seeks to provide a more complete representation of women's realities.

As Sandra Harding expressed it,. Knowledge is supposed to be based on experience, and the reason the feminist claims can turn out to be scientifically preferable is that they originate in, and are tested against, a more complete and less distorting kind of social experience. Women's experiences, informed by feminist theory, provide a potential grounding for more complete and less distorted knowledge claims than do men's. Harding's analysis represents a feminist-standpoint theoretical approach. Like others, feminist-standpoint theorists have their own assumptions.

They assume there is an objective reality that can be made better if women's experiences and knowledges are added to mainstream or androcentric epistemologies. Postmodernist-feminist theorizing supports the investigation of women's experiences and knowledges as a basis for creating new feminist-informed knowledges. This approach differs from feminist-standpoint theorizing in several ways. Postmodernist-feminist theorists do not assume there is a complete, coherent reality to which women's experiences can be added; rather, they assume there are multiple realities and experiences.

Postmodernist-feminist theorists see these experiences and their influence on the generation of knowledge as fluid, contingent, diverse, and historically and culturally specific. They do not argue that feminist claims are scientifically preferable, as they are more sceptical about the faith placed in rationality, objectivity, and science. However, they support the position that knowledge claims should be formulated from a broader base of experience and should recognize that women's experiences will differ across race, class, culture, and sexual orientation.

Thus, there are diverse feminist theoretical approaches. Although they converge on the core issue of women's subordination, they differ in their assumptions about the causes or sources of that subordination. These differences reflect the richness of women's lives and the need to integrate the experiences and knowledges of women in the South, as well as all women in the North, if we are to move toward a more inclusive, sensitive theorizing about both women's subordination and their power. Hilary Rose's remarks in Box 6 illustrate some of the new thinking of feminists in the South and North.

Staying Alive by Vandana Shiva is a marvellous example of the ways that feminists relate to theory, using it as a resource in the defence of both women and nature. First the book is written from within a struggle of the Chipko women to defend the trees on which their lives depend. While without the mass movement there would be no story, it is also a story in which her skills as a scientist are integral.

Her account of the struggle is a story of transformation She makes solid technical arguments about what is happening to the land and the water. Her training as a physicist — part of that universalistic highly abstract discourse so criticised by feminism — is both a crucial element within, and transformed by the struggle. She reports different ways of collecting data, organising in fresh ways, producing a holistic ecological knowledge specific to the locality and people.

This careful rethinking of the environmental endemic generates a highly "situated and embodied knowledge" with strong claims to objectivity, out of the "universalistic and disembodied knowledge" of the physicist. Nor are the activities she reports limited to new knowledge building, for she also describes and endorses essential myth making which historically has often given energy to social movements of the excluded but which unquestionably often makes their intellectual allies uneasy. Whereas Western feminists have mostly fought the notion that women are naturally nearer to nature, seeing that as a patriarchal cage, Shiva casts Indian peasant women and the myths they construct cast themselves in the role of the natural protectors of the forest.

Essentialism is used as a source of strength. It is a dangerous move yet the situation is already a matter of staying alive. But the point I want to make is the extra-ordinarily divergent strands which Shiva weaves together. Nothing that can be made useful within a struggle is disregarded, she takes very different discourses and radically recycles them, adapting them with strength and imagination to political purposes.

In Shiva I think we get something of a reply from a feminist scientist to Audre Lorde's question, can the master's tools be used to dismantle the master's house? I think the reply goes something like this, providing we are prepared to select, to adapt, to use for hitherto unimagined purposes and weave them in with the entirely new, then yes, we can use the master's tools.

But in the process it is crucial to understand that the tools are themselves transformed. As well as tearing down the master's house, that crucial preliminary act, a feminist science also begins to build anew, to construct a feminist science. This more comprehensive knowledge base enables a wide cross section of experiences and measures to inform policy and action. Chapter 4 will examine existing policies and those being developed, to illustrate how they reflect and satisfy the needs of women. This chapter discusses theorizing as a process used to test assumptions about a number of phenomena in order to generate principles and theories to explain these phenomena.

This chapter also points out that traditionally this process has been male centred and related to the cultures, nationalities, and dominant economic classes of the theorists, who did not take into account the perspectives and experiences of women or the problems and issues that affect women. Until feminist theorists began critiquing existing knowledges, these theories were used to produce programs and policies that adversely affected the lives of women. The readings highlight the feminist challenges to the traditional, androcentric approach to theorizing and discuss some of the characteristics of feminist approaches.

These approaches not only take into account differences in experiences of women and men but also recognize that women themselves do not constitute a homogenous group. Using these approaches, feminists have deconstructed androcentric theories and knowledge and produced a comprehensive view of women's multiple realities.

The knowledges they have generated provide a basis for critiquing existing policies and determining alternative policies and activities to address the problems affecting women. Recognizing that factors such as class, race, ethnicity, age, social status, and sexual orientation shape perceptions and experience points to the social character of gender and gender relations. In the next chapter, you will examine a number of theories on gender and development that have evolved from a process of both women's and men's theorizing in different contexts and situations.

Baksh-Soodeen, R. Is there an international feminism? Alternative Approach 24 Summer , Charlton, S. Women in Third World development. Chhachhi, A. Concepts in feminist theory: consensus and controversy. In Mohammed, P. Harding, S. Conclusion: epistemological questions. In Harding, S. Introduction: Is there a feminist method? Ornstein, A. Curriculum — foundations, principles and issues. Rose, H. Alternative knowledge systems in science: can feminism rebuild the sciences? In Bailey, B. Stanley, L. Breaking out: feminist consciousness and feminist research. Whose science? Whose knowledge?

Talking back — thinking feminism, thinking black. Seibold, C. Feminist method and qualitative research about mid-life. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 19, This chapter introduces the concepts of gender and development and the factors that gave rise to their emergence. It also provides an explanation of the precolonial experience of so-called Third World people, especially with respect to gender relations and the experiences of women and men in social, political, and economic life.

The discussion challenges simplistic characterizations and generalizations of precolonial societies and points to their rich diversity and difference. This chapter provides a framework for considering alternative ways of perceiving human social and cultural development and organizing social, economic, and political life. It also provides information that challenges traditional monolithic assumptions about women and the sexual division of labour. To explore the evolution of the concepts of gender and development and to critically examine their underlying assumptions;.

To recognize the diversity of human experience and the alternative measures of value and standards for the assessment of progress and human achievement; and. To provide a general historical understanding of the lives of Third World people before the institutionalization of development. In ordinary usage, development a noun derived from the verb develop implies movement from one level to another, usually with some increase in size, number, or quality of some sort. In the Penguin English Dictionary, the verb develop means "to unfold, bring out latent powers of; expand; strengthen; spread; grow; evolve; become more mature; show by degrees; explain more fully; elaborate; exploit the potentialities of a site by building, mining, etc.

For our purposes, these meanings of development apply to human societies. The usage of the word in this context was popularized in the post-World War n period to describe the process through which countries and societies outside North America and Europe many of them former colonial territories were to be transformed into modern, developed nations from what their colonizers saw as backward, primitive, underdeveloped societies see Box 1. Colonialism refers in general to the extension of the power of a state through the acquisition, usually by conquest, of other territories; the subjugation of the inhabitants to a rule imposed by force; and the financial and economic exploitation of the inhabitants to the advantage of the colonial power.

Characteristic of this form was the maintenance of a sharp and fundamental distinction often expressed in law as well as in fact between the ruling nation and the subordinate colonial populations. This led to entrenched forms of racism. In the modern period, that is, since , colonial powers initially included the Dutch, English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish.

Later, other European states also became involved, such as the Belgians and Germans. In the 20th century, the United States, too, became a colonial power. It is necessary to differentiate between settler colonialism and nonsettler colonialism. In the case of the United Kingdom, for example, special status of dominion or protectorate was given to settler colonies, such as Australia, Canada, the Irish Free States, Newfoundland, New Zealand, Southern Rhodesia, and the Union of South Africa, which had large communities of European migrants.

They were usually self-governing territories of the British empire. Protectorate was used to refer to territories governed by a colonial power although not formally annexed by it. In these areas also, including the United States, internal colonialism is often used to describe the relationship between the settlers and the native or indigenous people and minorities.

Although other forms of domination and hegemony have existed in human history, this chapter concentrates on the specific form of European colonization and colonial domination that has taken place since the 16th century. Today, this grouping includes former colonial, largely but not totally tropical, countries, peopled mainly by non-Europeans.

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It is usually referred to as the Third World, underdeveloped countries, developing countries, and, more recently, the South or the economic South. Although it would be helpful to have one term to designate all of these countries, none of the above terms is really adequate. All are based on assumptions that we should be aware of when we use them. They are an improvement, however, on the terms first used in development writing, such as backward or economically backward countries. It is important to note that before European colonial domination, many societies had already felt the impact of other dominating forces.

For example, in North Africa the spread of the Islamic influence wrought great changes in the lifestyle of the native people — so much so that, now, some people hardly have any memory of a pre-Islamic past. In India, the spread of Hinduism over the continent had a similar, although more varied, impact. In some instances, the colonizers entered countries already controlled by well-established, stratified, patriarchal structures and introduced yet another controlling force into women's lives.

In this chapter, I briefly explore each of these concepts and the contexts within which they arose. The concept of underdeveloped-developing countries emerged as part of the work of early development economists in the s, who theorized very simplistically about the stages of development mat societies had to pass through to become "developed," or "modern.

In addition, the history of Western industrialized countries was used as a broad model for the process through which all societies were to pass. Around the s, with nationalist sentiments becoming vocal, the term less developed was added, as it was considered less pejorative than underdeveloped. This approach is sometimes critically referred to as developmentalism. Not much later, a school of mainly sociologists and political scientists emerged. They were eventually referred to as modernization theorists because they described this process as one of becoming modem.

They, too, developed a triad:. Modernity may be understood as the common behaviourial system historically associated with the urban, industrial, literate, and participant societies of Western Europe and North America. The system is characterised by a rational and scientific world view, growth and ever-increasing application of science and technology, together with continuous adaptation of the institutions of society to the imperatives of the new world view and the emerging technological ethos.

One of the main features common to these two approaches is that they equated development or modernity with industrialization. Industrialization and its companion, urbanization the emergence of towns and cities , were considered the only ways for backward societies to become modern, or developed. Progress and advancement were also seen in this light.

There was little appreciation of the social, cultural, economic, or political attributes of non-Western societies. Indeed, these approaches accepted to a large degree the colonial feeling of superiority over indigenous peoples, many of whom were decimated, robbed of their land, or confined to reservations or territories for example, in Australia, Canada, and the United States , or marginalized and forced to flee into the mountains for example, in parts of Asia and most of South and Central America see Box 2.

Thus are economies based on indigenous technologies viewed as "backward" and "un-productive. On the contrary, the destruction of ecologically sound traditional technologies, often created and used by women, along with the destruction of their material base is generally believed to be responsible for the "feminisation" of poverty in societies which have had to bear the costs of resource destruction.


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These approaches also had little to say about women. Women were largely linked to the traditional and backward aspects of these societies and most resistant to change. Because the theorists used traditional in such a general sense, with little recourse to history or social anthropology, they little realized the diversity in women and men's relations, in modes of domestic and family organization, or in social, economic, and political life.

It emerged with the heightened anticolonial consciousness that arose with the coming of the new nation-states in Africa and Asia. This was also a time when the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union-Eastern Europe was dividing the world along ideological and geopolitical lines. They adopted the position of nonalignment with either camp, arguing the need for a third, alternative world grouping. The term Third World was adopted by many of these countries to differentiate themselves from the First World the North Atlantic capitalist world, or the world of advanced market economies and the Second World the centrally planned economies of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

The Third World consisted of all other nations — usually in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, the Pacific, and South and Central America, including the centrally planned economies in these areas. One of the main criticisms of the concept of the Third World has been that it suggests a hierarchy of nations. Some people argue that to accept third place is to accept a lower status in the world order.

The people who coined the phrase probably never considered this but simply saw Third World as an alternative to the two main options their countries were being pushed to accept, options that, as history would show, they would eventually agree to. North-South became a popular term around , after the publication of the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, popularly known as the Brandt Commission because it was led by the late Willy Brandt, former Chancellor of West Germany see Brandt According to one source,.

The expression was selected by the Commission to emphasize the economic divide between the North rich nations and the South poor nations and to highlight the presumed desirability of a North-South dialogue grounded in a common concern for global problems and freed from the complications of East-West political interests.

This division, like many associated with relations of power, is geographically incorrect. Some countries in the South are neither low income nor not former colonial countries; likewise, some economies and conditions of life in the North, such as can be found in Eastern and Southern Europe, have little in common with the leading industrialized capitalist economies of the North.

For some, this terminology reflects global restructuring and the changes taking place in the global economy. Economic South was a term coined to further delineate this grouping in economic and political terms, rather than in purely geographic ones. The heyday of developmentalism — in the s, s, and s — fostered some strong beliefs, such as. That state or government should play the central determining role in introducing development policies and strategies that could lead to improved standards of living and conditions of life; and.

That international investment, loans, and aid can redirect economies away from their traditional bases — usually in agriculture — toward industry and manufacture. Today, although much of this sentiment has changed, much has remained the same.

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The dominant thinking in the late s and early s has been that the state has a leading, but only facilitating, role in the economy. Development is now seen as the responsibility of private companies and, increasingly, private nongovernmental organizations NGOs. In addition, the market is seen as the main arbiter of decision-making.

This approach is based on the renewed influence of liberal economic thinking now called neoliberal economics , which has affected international economic. All this has taken place within the context of a Third World debt crisis, within which economic restructuring and structural-adjustment policies are advocated as mechanisms for generating income to repay debt.

Such thinking has become reality through the conditions on the stabilization and structural-adjustment loans offered by the International Monetary Fund IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development the World Bank to countries facing balance-of-payments difficulties. The main purpose of the new organizations was to provide a basis for monetary and currency stability for increased trade and expansion of these economies.

This was to be accomplished by providing financial support during periods of balance-of-payments difficulties, that is, when imports exceeded exports. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was later added, and, according to Dennis Pantin, each of these institutions would play a complementary role in the management of a world economy that did not restrict the movement of goods, services, and money Pantin Since the emergence of the new nation-states in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Pacific in the s and s, the Bretton Woods Agreement has widened in scope.

As a result of the current trend in monetarist, or neoliberal, economics, the role of this agreement has expanded. The IMF provides short-term stabilization assistance to countries with balance-of-payments difficulties, on condition that they implement certain fiscal and monetary policies. The World Bank, on the other hand, is more concerned with long-term adjustment through restructuring of host economies along fixed lines. Its policies can be summarized as follows Blackden :. Stabilization or reduction of budget or balance-of-payments deficits, reduction of budget deficits or freezes in public-sector employment, cut-backs in public-sector investment, removal of public-sector subsidies usually away from the agriculture and social sector to the private commercial sector , and tax reform;.

Promotion of the private sector through contracting of public services, sale of state enterprises, and deregulation;. Market liberalization and price reforms, in which the local market is opened to greater foreign and domestic competition; exchange-rate liberalization, usually devaluations or floatation of local currency to encourage exports; and removal of price controls and supports to local industry; and. Rationalization of public-sector institutions, including civil-service public-sector reform, privatization of state enterprises, and reform of the social sector to make it cost-effective.

Aspects of these neoliberal policies have also been implemented since the s in Northern countries, such as Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and, more recently, in continental Europe. Additionally, many governments have implemented economic-adjustment programs without being involved in an IMF or World Bank program. They are not tailored to the particular needs of individual economies;. They contribute to major declines in standards of living, including nutritional levels, educational standards, employment rates, and access to social-support systems;. They shift more of the responsibility for health care, education, and care of the sick and elderly to women already burdened by unpaid work;.

They increase social ills, such as violent crime, drug abuse, and violence against women; and. They result in increased levels of migration legal and illegal from the South to the North. In many parts of the North and South, women's organizations and NGOs are involved in developing sustainable and economically feasible alternatives to these neoliberal policies of structural adjustment.

The term sustainable development came into popular use after the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, popularly known as the Brundtland Report and the Brundtiand Commission, respectively. The report was largely a response to the growing international environmental and ecological lobby. It defined sustainable development as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs" WCED , p.

According to Donald Brooks , the paradigm, or worldview, emerging around this concept recognized the need to ensure and facilitate the following:. Integration of conservation and development;. Maintenance of ecological integrity;. Satisfaction of basic human needs see Chapter 3 ;.

Achievement of equity and social justice; and. Provision of social self-determination and cultural diversity. This comprehensive approach does not reflect all approaches to sustainable development. Some economists, for example, speak of "sustainable growth. Nevertheless, a more equitable distribution of existing resources could lead to improvements in the quality of life.

Feminist activists have been central to the movement against environmental degradation and for sustainability right from the movement's inception. They have also often gone beyond the narrower definitions of the issues to include the struggle for peace and the struggle against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Whereas most of the discussions on sustainable development have taken place within the context of mainstream development economics, feminist activists have for the most part seen sustainable development as part of a larger alternative model of development or societal transformation.

It must be in harmony with nature if nature is to sustain us, we must sustain nature ;. It must be people centred and oriented people have to be seen as the subjects, not the objects, of development ;. It must be women centred recognizing the responsibility that women have always assumed for catering to the basic needs of society ;. It must cater to the needs of the majority consumption levels of the rich and industrialized world must be reduced ;. There must be decentralization of decision-making and control over resources within countries and internationally;.

Democracy must become more participatory and direct, unleashing the latent energies of the people; and. At every level, sustainable development must promote the politics of peace, nonviolence, and respect for life. In short, sustainable development for many feminists from the South and North implies a new kind of political, economic, social, and cultural system and a new value orientation.

The seeds of the women-and-development concept a broad-based term that includes a number of approaches to women's development; see below were planted during the s and s. During this time, 50 countries were freed from colonialism, and the women who had participated in independence movements acted on their convictions that they must join with men in building these new nations. For example, at the beginning of the s, women of East African countries, led by Margaret Kenyatta, met at seminars to adopt strategies aimed at reaching their goals.

This was at a time when the revived feminist movement in the North had not yet found a distinct voice and The Feminine Mystique Friedan ,. Before that time, in , just 2 years after the formation of the United Nations, the Commission on the Status of Women CSW was established to monitor United Nations activities on behalf of women.

To a large extent, however, its efforts were limited within the legalistic context of human rights. By the s and s, women of these newly independent countries began taking their delegations to the United Nations though in small numbers and were able to challenge the legalistic agenda of CSW by raising development-oriented issues. By , when the-United Nations General Assembly reviewed the results of the First Development Decade of the s, three factors that would eventually converge to foster the various approaches to women's development had become evident:.

It was found that the industrialization strategies of the s had been ineffective and had, in fact, worsened the lives of the poor and the women in Third World countries. The Second Development Decade was therefore designed to address this and "bring about sustainable" improvement in the well-being of individuals and bestow benefits on all.

Boserup, an agricultural economist, used research data from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America to highlight women's central positions in the economic life of these societies, and she described the disruptive effects of colonialism and modernization on the sexual division of labour through the introduction of the international market economy. Among other things, this process drew men away from production based on family labour and gave them near-exclusive access to economic and other resources. Boserup concluded that the economic survival and development of the Third World would depend heavily on efforts to reverse this trend and to more fully integrate women into the development process.

The feminist movement reemerged in Western countries around , alongside other social movements for civil rights. Although the movement's energies were, for the most part, directed internally, some Western women used their position to pressure their government's foreign-aid offices to ensure that grants to recipient countries supported women as well as men.

The central point of the original women-and-development approach was that both women and men must be lifted from poverty and both women and men must contribute to and benefit from development efforts. Its formulation is based on the following suppositions:. Because women comprise more than half of the human resources and are central to the economic as well as the social well-being of societies, development goals cannot be fully reached without their participation. Women and development is thus a holistic concept wherein the goal of one cannot be achieved without the success of the other.

Women, therefore, must have "both the legal right and access to existing means for the improvement of oneself and of society. International Women's Year was declared by the United Nations in , and the celebration of this at the First International Women's Conference in Mexico City marked the globalization of the movement. This unique intergovernmental conference and the nongovernmental International Women's Tribune Centre TWTC , a networking and communications institution, brought together women from nearly all countries of the world under the theme Equality, Development and Peace and extended its work during the United Nations Decade for Women, This sparked the creation of institutions and networks world-wide as "women and development" became an area of specialization in the development field.

At the national level, "national machineries" — commissions on women, women's desks, and women's bureaus — were soon established in most countries. New women's organizations and networks sprang up at the community and national levels. These contributed to the institutionalization of women and development as an internationally recognized set of concepts and did much to generalize knowledge and consciousness about women's issues internationally. Visit the national machinery for women's affairs in your country. It may be a women's desk, a women's bureau, or a ministry of women's affairs.

Write a short history of its emergence and analyze its interpretation of the term women and development. The concern with gender emerged as feminist theorists sought to understand the complexities of women's subordination. The word gender came into mainly academic use some 15 years after the reemergence of lateth-century feminism, which has, unlike its earlier manifestations, made a significant dent in male-dominated androcentric scholarship at least, I like to think so.

Feminist scholars argued that the Western academic tradition, of which most universities and colleges in the world are part, has systematically ignored the experiences of women in its fields of learning, concepts, theories, and research methods. Additionally, although claiming to be scientific, it has really embodied mythical assumptions about women's and men's capabilities, the sexual division of labour in early human history, and, as a result, women's place in today's society.

These assumptions were extended to non-Western societies, with the result that Western assumptions and values influenced relations between the sexes and between groups within each sex, relations that ranged from egalitarian to highly patriarchal and stratified. The word gender, like development, had a specific usage before feminist theorists extended its meaning.